I have written before my own experiences covering the post-election violence in late 2007 and early 2008 whist working as a television reporter for Kenya Television Network (KTN).
https://saddiqueshaban.wordpress.com/2013/02/18/do-not-burn-my-kenya-again/
Disclaimer.
Through this writing, I intend to paint an all too obvious picture- that Mwai Kibaki wasn’t without fault or imperfections, like all of us. He was human, after all. Just like all of us. Just like me. I understand fully that people, including those who know me, may interpret these thoughts as they may wish. I also know that I am a flawed man and perhaps upon my demise, people may hold similar views about me, my deeds and life – and that they are entirely entitled to their own views, as I am to mine. I don’t speak for my former employer and this is not an official account of what transpired during that time. These are my own thoughts as a journalist and a private citizen of Kenya.
Mwai Kibaki is dead, at 90.
I have watched television broadcast, read published reports and commentaries about Mwai Kibaki’s death and how he was said to be Kenya’s “greatest president”.
I have now been compelled to pen down, by reasons of posterity and institutional memory, my own experiences under Mwai Kibaki as a journalist and a Kenyan.
Emilio Stanley Mwai Kibaki is now deceased. He served as Kenya’s first opposition president and the country’s third, from December 2002 until April 2013. I can now write this freely, without fear on this World Press Freedom Day.
While studying in Kenyatta University, I remember attending a political rally at Nairobi’s Uhuru Park in late 2002, where Kibaki and other members of the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) hosted a mega rally, whose momentum catapulted him and others into power. It was the second time I was seeing him in person, having first met him in 1997 at the Eldama Ravine township grounds where he was campaigning for president under the Democratic Party ticket. Fearing stampede after getting injured during the mega rally, I skipped his inauguration ceremony on December 29th 2002.
Mwai Kibaki’s path and mine would meet three years later when I became a professional journalist. Mwai Kibaki hardly attended any sporting activities, other than turning up for the Kenya Golf Open final. Over the months that followed, I covered presidential sports functions and also 2005 and 2010 Kenyan constitutional referendum. There wasn’t much to write home about this period, as they were largely formal and regular.
But as time went by, things changed and I found myself in the cross hairs of his failure as the president of Kenya and felt the blunt edge of the impunity of his government. There were episodes of his wild family escapades and car-crash first lady wife and alleged mistress whose alleged involvement in questionable activities have been published by leading media houses and stories available in the public domain.
Kibaki was a terrorist sponsor and a sympathizer.
Things changed one night in March 2006. I received a cold text message on my Nokia 3310 on March 2. I reached out for the bedside lamp and traced the phone.
One-eyed, I read the terse message. “Check if your TV is showing Your Channel, Your Choice”
Why would anyone ask me to confirm if the network was broadcasting in the middle of the night? That would have been the moment the station would be plugging into CNN for international feed. Lazily, I checked it out.
It was off air. KTN was off-air. There were only NTSC colour bars and tone in place of scheduled programming. That was strange. I jumped out of my skin in bewilderment and washed my face off the unfolding nightmare. I flipped channels. Others were on air, KTN wasn’t. I checked again.
I called three colleagues and realized they had received the same message from a senior editorial manager. It was around three in the morning by the time I glanced proper at my watch.
Most phones were busy or owners unavailable. No one had any information about why Kenya Television Network (KTN) was off-air on Thursday, March 2nd, 2006.
I lost sleep. I made frantic calls but no one had any solid information. I finally got through to a newspaper delivery van driver, who was on his way to Mombasa. He had stopped by the roadside after hearing reports that some his colleagues based at Standard Newspaper’s Nairobi’s Likoni Road printing press had been assaulted and deliveries meant for nearby jurisdictions had been destroyed. Printing press machines had been vandalized, he added, and premises had been broken into by heavily armed group of people. He feared he would be targeted for being an employee of Standard Media group and delivering the incriminating cargo.
Then a terrifying piece of information came through.
“We have been raided by terrorists” KTN has been shut down, studio equipment destroyed and people have been arrested, it added.
No further context or explanation. This came from a colleague, who immediately switched off her phone.
I was only five months old in the establishment, having been employed in October, 2005. I looked at my sink and realized I had not even switched off the tap. My ceiling board appeared to be in an endless circular motion. And was that a buffalo on the wall?
There were no ride-hailing services then and Njoroge, my regular taxi man in Ruiru town, had long closed for the night.
I called him up frantically. He picked up. Come to my house, right away. I have an emergency. I have to go to Masaba hospital on Ngong Road, I thundered.
I hit the shower. Picked my best suit, the one that Swaleh Mdoe once made a fun of, on air, saying it was the only pair I have. Truant Babu’s grandson, that man was. Forgot to brush my shoes and hair and even left my wallet in the house in a haste when the taxi arrived.
Njoroge summoned whatever donkey powers remained of that rickety Toyota Corolla 100 car and floored it. For effect, I kept quiet throughout and feigned some deep thoughts to avoid having to discuss how his team, Beirut FC, (Thika United) was fairing on in the league.
When he eventually dropped me outside the I&M building on Kenyatta Avenue a few minutes after five, my knees wobbled at the sight of armed police officers standing outside the then Seasons Restaurant on Banda Street, overlooking the basement entrance to the building. I quickly walked past and hid outside Post Bank House on Market Lane. I then circled Season’s Restaurant, into Muindi Mbingu street. From a vantage point outside Hughes Building, I could see foot traffic into and out of the building. I crossed over to Kenyatta Avenue. The parking lot was rather busy at this time of the night. I suspected the people parked outside the building on Kenyatta Avenue were not taxi drivers. I crossed over to Six Eighty Hotel and bid my time there.
I had tapped “Pambazuko La KTN” bulletin the previous night and I called a friend to confirm if the program was on air. It wasn’t. It was now minutes after six o’clock.
I couldn’t believe that I was hiding in the streets waiting for a moment to enter the building. What became of my bravery as a journalist? Why would I hide in the streets, famed for their illicit trade, in the wee hours of the morning?
I took a leap of faith and entered the building from Kenyatta Avenue entrance. Forlorn faces of security guards at the ground floor gave the first indication of the terror that had visited the building
The lifts had been restored, one guard told me, after hours of outage. I stopped at the sixth floor. The reception area was cold. It had been ransacked.
I then walked up eight floors to 14th. The KTN newsroom looked like a disorganized flea market.
That wasn’t the neat and tidy KTN newsroom I had left only hours before. Some computers monitors had been damaged or dropped on the floor.. Some were missing the central processing units. Telephone heads were upside down, with lines disconnected. Heavy duty printer yanked off from power and network cable. Broadcast copies of previous evening’s “KTN Prime” and “KTN Leo” news bulletins were strewn all over the floor. Desks disarranged and lockers broken into. Senior Manager’s offices showed signs of forced entry. Drawers ransacked. Camera room had been broken into and some equipment were reported missing. Even the damned chairs had been turned upside down.
Significant damage had been done to the 16th floor broadcast studios. Cameras and news sets had either been damaged, vandalized or simply maliciously destroyed.
The transmission floor on 17th floor was particularly targeted. It had taken the full hit, mechanically. They had switched off transmitters from this floor and taken the station off air.
Shortly afterwards, CCTV clips of balaclava-clad policemen, brandishing assault rifles, with reflector jackets labelled “QRU” emerged, showing technicians and other staff members being frog matched, assaulted and equipment being carted away. The room was dead silent as we watched the clips in utter disbelief. Those were my own colleagues being beaten and assaulted on CCTV camera, I told myself. Were they still around? A random cough from the door almost sent people scampering for safety. The terrorists were of Caucasian origin, from their exposed hands, backed by what appeared to be Kenyan security officers.
It was now a few minutes after seven o’clock in the morning. By this time, the country had known that KTN was off-air. some parts of the city and towns around Kenya had not received their copies of the “Standard Newspaper”. Calls rang in the newsroom after the IT technicians had restored the lines. They mostly went unanswered. Muted silence among KTN and Standard Newspapers staff that had reported to work that morning. Line managers and editors were in a meeting on the company’s 12th floor executive office. When they later emerged, they assured that engineers were busy working to get the station back on air.
I was left wondering if bad luck had followed me to KTN. Before being headhunted by KTN, I had just been made redundant as a program officer with “I Choose Life”, an NGO that had employed me whist an undergraduate student at Kenyatta University.
It later emerged that the raid was state sponsored by Mwai Kibaki’s government through the Ministry of Interior. Mwai Kibaki’s agent of impunity, John Michuki, had authorized it. A state-sponsored terrorism on a private, independent media house. Mwai Kibaki, in a bid to settle scores with the media house, on behalf of her crazy wife Lucy, had employed the services of Armenian mercenaries, the so-called Artur brothers – Artur Margaryan and Artur Sargasyan. Kibaki denied the allegations but the issue only sucked in his alleged mistress, Mary Wambui and her daughter, Mwai Kibaki’s alleged own daughter, Winny, just a short time later.
I mean, Armenian mercenaries? How different were they from Uganda’s Lord Resistance Army? Al Qaida? Al Shabaab? Taliban? Boko Haram? Were they hiding somewhere within the building waiting to pounce again?
Mwai Kibaki’s government had cleared the Armenian terrorists and designated them as Senior Police officers, with state resources to boot. They were untouchables and for almost four months, they roamed around the city and even shamelessly engaged a crowd of people outside the I&M building on Kenyatta Avenue. Mwai Kibaki and his government did not arrest them or even attempted to stop their wanton impunity.
The same government led by Mwai Kibaki that was fighting the Sabaot Land Defense Forces had imported a militia from Armenia and attacked my employer and the company and thereby jeopardizing my livelihood. My career. My young budding career in journalism, only five months old, was on the verge of being iced. My employment with the Standard Group was now uncertain. My income and job were under threat. No one knew what would happen in the coming days.
Years later, against official claims, it became clear that the raid was sponsored to bar, stop, frustrate and/or immobilize the Standard Group from ever associating Mary Wambui with Mwai Kibaki. That the alleged “series of stories that were damaging to the Government, and that would compromise national security” that were being prepared by the Standard Group were flimsy excuses. The Kibakis were settling personal scores with the media house.
Lucy Kibaki had earlier threatened the media against giving lawyer and politician Paul Muite a platform to associate Mary Wambui with Mwai Kibaki. The media fairly referred to Mary Wambui as “NARC Activist” and not Kibaki’s wife. They made efforts to correct any implied associations that were made, including on the blogs . The coincidence was too much. Paul Muite had recently been given prominence, including a physical interview conducted within the premises, where he repeated those claims. Days before these claims were made, Mary Wambui, known to Mwai Kibaki and his close family members, had taken a whirlwind shopping spree around Muindi Mbingu street, with GSU security officers, state vehicles and machinery in tow. It was a show of defiance. Wambui wanted Lucy Kibaki to see that she was still in Mwai Kibaki’s life and she was going to use the media to pass along that message. She invited the media to her activities of defiance. She earned coverage based on her association with Mwai Kibaki, the president of Kenya. As a woman, she was craving for natural attention from the alleged father of her daughter, Winny. She badly wanted Mwai Kibaki to remember her existance, having been declared person non gratta in all state houses across the country and banished from visiting Mwai Kibaki in Muthaiga. Hell hath no fury like a woman scorned. Mary Wambui, Kibaki’s alleged mistress, dragged the media along and fed the editorial monster. As professionals, journalists were duty bound to accord her coverage. Mwai Kibaki and Lucy Kibaki admonished journalists for that and even threatened litigation over this association. This only emboldened Kibaki’s second family and alleged Mistress Mary Wambui.
Later on, Mary Wambui’s daughter, Winny, would be seen dining and whining with the so-called Artur brothers – Artur Margaryan and Artur Sargasyan – in entertainment joints around the city. The media was on the beat. It nosed around and followed the scent and alleged association between the mercenaries, the drugs recently discovered and Mwai Kibaki. Kibaki denied again any association with Wambui, who also distanced herself from reports associating her with recent drug haul. The Kibakis threatened the media again, this time, saying authors of such reports would have to disclose their sources.
As president, Mwai Kibaki feigned ignorance as the terrorists ran amok in Kenya for three months, causing all manner of imaginable and unimaginable atrocities against the people of Kenya. One such report, which can be found here. Shows Mary Wambui’s daughter and Mwai Kibaki’s alleged daughter, Winy, getting cozy and touchy with the Armenian mercenaries.
Mwai Kibaki and his two crazy wives
Mwai Kibaki knew Mary Wambui. Mwai Kibaki married Mary Wambui. Mary Wambui loved Mwai Kibaki. Mwai Kibaki loved Mary Wambui. Mary Wambui and Mwai Kibaki loved each other. Mwai Kibaki loved Lucy Kibaki Lucy Kibaki knew Mwai Kibaki loved Mary Wambui. Mary Wambui knew Mwai Kibaki loved Lucy Kibaki. Or did he? Lucy Kibaki knew Mary Wambui. The two women knew they shared one man, Mwai Kibaki. Mwai Kibaki had married them all. They were a threesome. Mwai Kibaki knew he had a romantic relationship with Mary Wambui. They were married in a customary wedding in the 1970’s. Mwai Kibaki’s first wife, Lucy, once slapped an official state house MC for referring to Mary Wambui as “First Lady Mama Lucy Wambui”. Former vice president Moody Awori also mentioned, in alleged error, that Mary Wambui was “second lady”. Lucy Kibaki was almost admitted to Karen Hospital over this gaffe.
If Mary Wambui was not Mwai Kibaki’s wife, then why was Mary Wambui’s private residence in Lavington under the protection of the elite presidential guards? Why was she being driven around in pool vehicles belonging to the presidency?
Mwai Kibaki was married to two women at the same time. He knew it. His family fought over it. His children knew one another. His first wife Lucy was fully aware of the marriage. His second wife Mary Wambui lived the marriage.. State House knew about it. The presidency provided resources and allocated public funds to service the marriage. The military protected the polygamous family. The Roman Catholic Church in Kenya was aware of the affair.
But when the media attempted to report about it, the Kibaki’ flipped. His children and their Lucy Kibaki mother went berserk.
When the household of Mwai Kibaki become inhospitable, Mwai Kibaki went to Consolata Shrine in Westlands to seek divine intervention against the wrath of his crazed wife, Lucy.
As President and a Roman catholic Church adherent, Mwai Kibaki couldn’t be seen publicly or thought to be associated with two women as wives. Not with psychotic wife Lucy Kibaki raiding media houses in the middle of the night. The Roman Catholic church would have excommunicated him from their midst, had they followed catechism in spirit and letter. At the altar of hypocrisy- see no evil, say no evil, the church overlooked Mwai Kibaki’s open polygamy for reasons that must be confessed before the day of judgement.
Polygamy by the president of Kenya was out of question. The law frowned at it. The optics looked bad for Mwai Kibaki and his out-of-control wife, Lucy. It is the reason Kibaki held press conferences to deny media reports linking him with Mary Wambui.
He also denied any association with Artur Margaryan and Artur Sargasyan- yet his own alleged daughter, Winy, by mistress Mary Wambui, was allegedly busy warming the terrorists’ beds and caressing their rocket propelled grenade testicles.
When the media reported this or attempted to dovetail the story, Mwai Kibaki and his crazed wife Lucy would issue threats of litigation and other unspecified consequences. I know of journalists whose phones were allegedly tapped and movements closely followed. There were allegations that some journalists had in fact been recruited as spies by the National Security Intelligence Service to spy on fellow colleagues and report on any editorial content code named “pineapples”, meaning “explosive stories about GoK or Kibakis”.
In other words, those were difficult days for journalists in Kenya. The media space had shrunk badly and a few journalists opted to seek greener pastures into the corporate world due to official frustrations. Deep state agents were impatient with anyone who crossed Mwai Kibaki’s projected reputation as an economist and reformer. A golfer, a gentleman. A savior of some sort. Thika road superhighway visionary. Makerere University’s finest.
While the state house public relations propaganda machine was on the overdrive, Mwai Kibaki’s second wife Mary Wambui was unashamedly running around town with elite presidential guards after being scorned by her co-wife, Lucy Kibaki. It only took the presence of Paul Muite on television to activate Lucy Kibaki’s madness. I don’t know if it has anything to do with Paul Muite’s perceived ugliness.
Mwai Kibaki failed to tame the women in his life and household- and they all overshadowed him. They overran him and undermined his authority as the man of the house on the hill. This fallout ultimately leading to a state-sponsored terror raid on the Standard Media Group, to silence the media and gag it from amplifying, recording, reporting, broadcasting or archiving the escapades of the wild Kibaki family. Mwai Kibaki had drawn first blood against me and my young profession.
I shall write what they failed to say.
During the state funeral and burial ceremony in April 2022, no one mentioned this ugly past about Mwai Kibaki. Eulogist after another watched their tongues and measured their words. They all praised Mwai Kibaki. All of them. The choir drowned their hyprocrisy with melodious tunes, as mourners admired the golf club and Kibaki’s five-star general military outfit displayed by the military, as if to remind everyone that martial law was now in operation and mourners had to respect their fallen commander-in-chief.
No one mentioned that it was during his tenure as president that the freedom of the media and press in Kenya suffered greatest the threat. Dark period had engulfed the nation during the 70’s and 80’s era, but this was a different manifestation of that dark era. It was being televised and published as it unfolded in the new age, aided by evolving technology. Not a single media report I read before Kibaki was buried expressly, boldly and openly indicated that Mwai Kibaki eroded years of gains made to secure free speech in Kenya. By sponsoring a terrorist attack on a media house, Mwai Kibaki, he who moved the motion that made Kenya a single-party state by law in 1982, alongside his deranged wife Lucy- who left her matrimonial bed in State House in the middle of the night to stage a one woman raid on Nation Media Group just two months later- were the greatest threats to press freedom. I dare say that Mwai Kibaki was the enemy of the press. The deranged megalomaniacs even refused to release, publicly, the Shadrack Kiruki report on the activities of the controversial Armenian brothers, despite public money being used for the exercise.
I suspect the findings of the commission were buried between the graves of Mwai Kibaki and Lucy Kibaki.
It was also during Mwai Kibaki’s time that tribalism and nepotism in the media and the newsrooms were highly visible. Harambee House-sponsored newspaper headlines and television rundowns were commonplace. Establishment journalist were shamelessly embedded to State House and other state agencies and were rewarded for their sycophancy. Scribes and columnists deemed too critical or radical to the establishment were sacked or suspended from employment under flimsy excuses. Some newspaper stories and features, including investigative television exposes, thought to be “too hot” for Kibaki’s government, were axed from publication and dropped from broadcast. Some experience columnists, cartoonists, caricaturists and satirists were all dropped by leading newspapers because the media houses opted to self-censor and preserve the government advertisement budget. Some media houses that chose to go to bed with Mwai Kibaki’s government without editorial foreplay are still chasing payments for services rendered, years later. The ten years of Mwai Kibaki’s presidency offered a solemn soul-searching moment for journalists who had genuinely sworn to adhere to and honestly service their oaths to the profession.
Mwai Kibaki was a prime suspect for crimes against humanity
When I thought I had recovered from the sponsored terrorism and impunity of Mwai and the controversial Armenian brothers in 2006, I found myself in another deathly crisis sponsored by Mwai Kibaki and his administration just a year later.
The horror played out in December. This time, Mwai Kibaki’s swore himself in at night on Sunday, 30th December 2007 and plunged this country into its darkest moment in history.
And I reluctantly found myself in the front seat of that bloody period of anarchy and lawlessness.
This time, I met Mwai Kibaki through the resultant chaos of the Kenyan postelection violence that broke out shortly after 31st December.
What I saw in Mombasa during these short eleven days remain indelible from my memory. I cried. I sobbed. I wailed. I mourned with strangers. My eyes were filled with tears. Tears from the bloodshed and sight of human suffering. Scenes of the dead and the dying. Blood of strangers mixing in a stream of death. The smell of death lingered in the air all around me.
Macabre death. Murder most foul. Rape. Decapitation. Amputations. Limbless bodies. Lifeless women, clutching at their babies in Bamburi. Young men believed from Luo community bearing signs of forceful circumcision in their private parts in Mshomoroni. Women speaking Kikuyu language reporting being sexually assaulted at Nyali police station. Bodies floating in the Indian Ocean, having been dumped from Makupa Courseway , Nyali bridge and Likoni. Sight of scared survivors at police stations in Makupa, Nyali and Bamburi and Mtwapa. Mothers, toddlers and the elderly taking refuge at Kibarani Catholic Church and other areas. Sight of broken bottles splatted all over Port Reitz Road by rioting mobs, to keep police officers at bay as they looted businesses and raided houses. I saw more than we ever filmed on camera. Every day, my cameraman and I woke up to despicable scenes. My cameraman saw them whilst filming. I edited the horror clips and voiced over scenes of violence and mayhem.
My innocence was stolen
I was on the verge of losing my mind. I didn’t not sign up for this. I was a specialist sports journalist, not a war correspondent. I didn’t know how to script for bloody scenes. I wasn’t prepared for it. I wasn’t trained for it. I was used to action in sports, not deathly running battles. I found pleasure conducting post-match interviews and reactions, not covering cries and wails of widows, orphans and grieving families.
My editorial boss at the time, Farida Karoney, now Lands Cabinet Minister, had not mentioned to me that I would cover death, human suffering and injuries. Neither had Kizito Namulanda or Katua Nzile, my other executive editors. Not even my line managers at the time.
My editors looked at some of my scripts upon submission and asked me, “is this your very best, out of the circumstances?”
What circumstances?
Heaps of dead bodies at Coast General Hospital morgue? Lifeless bodies at Pandya hospital? Wailing mothers and children, hurdled together at Bamburi police station? Chopped hands and limbs in Migadini? What circumstances? Scenes of the elderly with deep machete cuts on their head? Scene of young people with gouged-out eyes, with their hands tied behind their backs? Cries of people, some on verge of starvation- whilst running broke and passively starving myself? Taking cover behind anti-riot police lines – without body armor? Armed with only the microphone and a note book, was I safe from the projectiles and weapons being used by the aggressors against their targets? What about my own family back home, living in fear of attacks? My own mental health was taking a toll from having to see blood and death every day.
Mwai Kibaki’ decision to swear himself in at night that fateful December 30th, 2007 completely changed my life. I have never been the same person ever since.
Mwai Kibaki ruined my mental health.
I have not been clinically diagnosed yet, but I suspect I suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder. What then explains these flashbacks of death and violence each time I see Mwai Kibaki? I long stopped watching him on television. I would mute his speech on television. Why these nightmares each time politicians make reckless and dangerous remarks that borders on hate speech and incitement to violence? Can anyone tell me why I take cover each time sound of gunshot renders the air? Is it normal to keep thinking about the people I met at the internally displaced camps in Eldoret and Nakuru? Does it explain why I have probably become claustrophobic and don’t like camping, even by my own right as a hiker? My own people think I have gone rogue. Some of my own friends say I have become snobbish. That I don’t talk to people as I used to in college, yet I was a bubbling thespian and a crowd- favorite during my undergraduate days. For years after he left office, I created a Google alert about Mwai Kibaki. I wanted to find out, if as former president, he would make some public announcements about the post-poll chaos. I wanted to know if he would launch his own autobiography or biography. I scrubbed the floor of YouTube looking for a post-presidency interview from Mwai Kibaki. I even followed some media houses online, just in case they commissioned a story about Mwai Kibaki’s reflection during the dark period of his presidency. For four years, I got nothing.
Does it explain my alleged compulsive obsessive disorder with Mwai Kibaki’s health and wellbeing, over the last five years, through this Twitter thread?
I would have interviewed Mwai Kibaki in death.
I deliberately shunned the occasion of his state body viewing and state funeral because I couldn’t come to terms with seeing Mwai Kibaki again in person. Worse still, not when lying there in state. He was useless to me. He was not helpful to anyone. No, true. Not even to himself. Oh, yes. It’s true, he could not be of any use to anyone, lying there dead, cold and emotionless, while we needed answers when he was alive. He was just chilling there, just like Mavi ya Kuku.
Had I attended his state funeral, I would perhaps conducted a flash interview with him, as he lay inside the expensive state-procured casket. I would have whispered a question into his ears about his role in the post-election violence. Having been shielded from accountability, I would have taken that opportunity, as journalist, and placed a microphone or recorder near his mouth, and asked for his final thoughts ahead of his burial. I would have, perhaps, asked him, as he lay there quietly, donning a new pair of suit and a pair of expensive shoes, whether he was finally happy to taste death. To die. If that were the same death as those who died in the post-election violence. I would have asked Emilio if he were happy to be reunited with the people that died during the 2007/2008 post-poll chaos.
You look peaceful in death your excellency, those who were brutally murdered did not even get a decent burial, what do you have to say about that? I would have quipped.
As an ordinary Kenyan citizen, I would have seized that opportunity against all odds, to ask Mwai Kibaki if he were happy to be reunited with his evil friends- Samuel Kivuitu of the defunct Electoral Commission of Kenya- and Evans Gicheru, the corrupt Chief Justice who swore him into office under the cover of darkness. I know hawk-eyed military personnel were guarding his lifeless body, but as a Kenyan whose life was irreversibly changed by the post-election violence, I would have sought for a last-breadth confession from Mwai Kibaki. Do you regret burning Kenya, Mr. President? Are you sorry, Sir? Do you think the souls of the people killed by your greed for power will allow your own soul to rest in peace? Did you, Mr. President, like South Africa’s last segregationist president Frederik Willem de Klerk, leave behind a last-gasp video message, apologizing for pain, hurt, violence, blood, deaths, anarchy, loss of property and chaos that you caused, or made to be caused, during your time as third president of Kenya? What message of comfort or goodwill do you wish to leave behind, Mr. President, even as you die, to those whose mental health were severely impacted by your corrupt leadership?
I am sure before the military police could intervene, I would gotten a life-and-death opportunity to whisper to Mwai Kibaki, as he lay in state: “Are you a killer, Sir?
If the military had dragged me outside and tossed me out of parliament building, I would dashed to Gikomba market and purchased a new outfit. I would then return, probably dressed like a priest, to seek more cut-throat confession. Are you a rapist, Mr. Kibaki? Do you consider yourself a suspect of crimes against humanity? Should you have been charged at the international criminal court, alongside President Uhuru Kenyatta, deputy president William Ruto, former head of the civil service Francis Muthaura, former police commissioner Hussein Ali, former Tinderet MP Henry Kosgey and Mr Joshua Sang? He would have called me “Bure Kabisa”, I suspect, or “Ovyo”.
Like the man who wanted the Roman Catholic priest to grant him only two minutes to address the mourners during Mwai Kibaki’s state funeral service at Nyayo Stadium, I would have asked Mr. Kibaki to apologize to the media fraternity in general and the Standard Media Group in particular for the 2006 state terror raid. I would have implored upon him, as he lay dead, to redeem his soul by offering his muted or silent apology on behalf of his wife Lucy for raiding the Nation Media Group in the dead of the night. I would have animated his labial frenulum on television to recreate a motion visual from beyond the dead. It would have been my modest professional contribution to the living, from the dead.
Mwai Kibaki was an enemy of the Kenyan media.
I would have done this because of what Stanley Emillio Mwai Kibaki greed for power did to the KTN newsroom during the post-election violence.
People that had worked together for years turned against each other on ethnic basis. News gathering and sourcing became a headache. Deployment of news talents was reduced into an ethnic affair for the safety of the journalists. After a number of colleagues survived machete attacks by Mungiki vigilantes in Kiambu and parts of central Kenya, assignment editors paired people from one ethnic community to go out to the field to gather news. For instance, Kikuyu-speaking crew would handle stories in Mungiki -controlled regions. Dholuo speakers would be paired for stories around Mathare and Kibera, for instance. Intelligence and deployment would follow similar patterns. Some stations were forced to drop their station identifying labels on microphones in order to guarantee safety of their staff members.
The KTN newsroom that I had left just weeks had dramatically changed. It had become as hostile as Kibaki’s relationship with the media. At one point, I saw two senior editors almost exchanging blows in the newsroom over graphic editorial content that had been received from violence-hit areas. Mwai Kibaki may have barricaded himself inside State House and ringed the premises with specialist forces after swearing himself into power that December, but the hatred he had sowed around the country was still simmering, weeks later, and spreading like bush fire.
The media had a turbulent period under Mwai Kibaki’s regime. The official intolerance was stifling. It was during Mwai Kibaki’s time that his own Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs Martha Karua fronted a retrogressive bill that required editors to disclose the names of persons included in but not named by media stories. Alongside the then Information and Communications minister Mutahi Kagwe, Mwai Kibaki’s government was forced to withdraw two anti-media Bills, part of the the oppressive Kenya Communication (Amendment) Bill 2007. Mwai Kibaki loathed the media and detested the profession at every turn.
Flashes of Horror.
I got a few days off after the February 28th 2007 peace accord and power sharing agreement between Raila Odinga and Mwai Kibaki. I thought being away in from Nairobi and Mombasa would heal my fresh wounds, only to be told of similar horrors about how members of the Dholuo and Kikuyu communities had been killed and their bodies dumped into Chebloch Gorge in Kerio River, in Baringo/ Marakwet. Weeks after the clashes had ended, bodies were still floating in the gorge. Others had been eaten by crocodiles. I know of families that had lived alongside their Arror, Tugen and Lembus neighbors in Baringo for years, only to be uprooted, killed and displaced by the post-election violence of 2007. Again, Mwai Kibaki- instigated genocide had stuck with me, like an endless nightmare.
Mwai Kibaki was many things to many people…
But he was an evil man to me. He was cruel and fiendish. As a president, he was nauseatingly tribal. He failed this nation when it needed him the most. He was spineless and a coward. He lacked courage. The buck stopped with him as the head of state. He chose self-preservation at everyone’s expense. A lazy frog. A fence-sitter of despicable description. A loathsome man, a killer of his own people. Mwai Kibaki was divisive figure in life and in death.
I heard these last few months were horrible for Mwai Kibaki. That before he died, Mzee Mwai Kibaki was in too much pain and suffering. That allegedly, the family considered many options when Mzee’s health failed him completely.
Reports allege that he had completely lost his memory, that he had no recollection at all. Allegations have surfaced that he was in a vegetative state, in a round-the-clock palliative care. That he didn’t recognize anyone or remember anything. Quite normal for many 90-year-olds, but quite ironic, perhaps, for a man who had lived and seen too much in his long life. But perhaps the blood, the tears, the suffering, the deaths of people who had died under his selfish tenure as the president were haunting him. Who knows? Mwai Kibaki probably died a long time than Kenyans were told and the family were mourning him in silence. In private, as he had lived his life after retirement.
Mwai Kibaki must have suffered these few months, considering the pronouncements by those who suffered during the post-poll chaos. Believers of sanchita karma would probably allege that it had caught up with Stanley Mwai Kibaki. I spoke to people who wished Mwai Kibaki a restless afterlife. Families of the post-poll chaos victims who had wished Kibaki an equally painful death as their own kin. I met people who vowed to never forgive Mwai Kibaki for his role in creating a chaotic environment that occasioned them loss of livelihood and life. Did Mwai Kibaki know peace during his last days? Did he mouth even have taste buds to enjoy his 90th birthday cake? How would anyone know, when allegedly, Mwai Kibaki’s soul had long died before his death?
The octogenarian was the highest paid public official, but was robustly shielded from the public on account of his frail and failing health. Despite the alleged crimes he had committed against the people of Kenya, Mwai Kibaki and his first wife Lucy got the best medical care the Kenyan currency could offer. Quite ironical, for a man whose power-grab victims died like road kills in the post-election violence. Quite ironical, for a man whose victims of post-poll chaos lived in squalor for years, in makeshift camps and deplorable conditions while he retired with generous perks, including chefs, security guards, physiotherapists and Mary Wambui by his bedside.
Mwai Kibaki enjoyed top medical services to the last minute while people he caused to be displaced and maimed are still nursing horrible memories from his illicit act of December 30th, 2007. Mwai Kibaki died surrounded by his family without giving journalists an opportunity to be heard. He waived his right of reply and died a condemned man. Mwai Kibaki breathed his last without apologizing to the families of the people his presidency killed in 2007/2008 through the post-election violence. He must have regarded the internally displaced victims of the Kenyan poll chaos as chicken poop. He must have held everyone else whose life he ruined through the impunity of his administration as mere mortals, dispensable pieces of excrement. Mwai Kibaki perhaps treated us all like Esther Waitherero, his own sister. To Mwai Kibaki, we were all expendables.
Deep State Shielded Mwai Kibaki from Accountability and Prosecution.
Mwai Kibaki was an evil man. He may have been shielded from accountability over his possible roles in the Kenyan post-election violence, but those who suffered during that time will not forget. If the wheels of justice had been efficiently serviced, Mwai Kibaki would probably have gone from being president to being a death row convict at King’ong’o maximum security prison. Mwai Kibaki would perhaps have been extradited to Guantanamo Bay detention camp for sponsoring state terror against the media in Kenya and his association and financing of Armenian terrorists . At the very least, for the crimes against humanity during the 2007 Kenyan post-election violence, Mwai Kibaki would probably have been tried and convicted by the victims of the post-election violence and jailed alongside Liberian warlord Charles Tailor for atrocities committed during his presidency.
He may have been accorded a state funeral and burial, but nothing -in the eyes of the victims of the post-poll chaos- will illuminate his dark, lifeless soul. No military rituals or precision will make them forget that terrible moment. No religious cleansing will resurrect the dead. Nothing will cleanse that stained history, even if mourners and eulogists feigned selective amnesia during his burial ceremony. Nothing will excuse or justify Mwai Kibaki’s greed for power that led to bloodshed in Kenya. Nothing will erase the historical injustice that victims of the 2007-2008 post-poll chaos in Kenya have endured and continue to experience. No amount of prayers and thoughts will clear Mwai Kibaki’s tragic errors of commission and omission. No forgiving and forgetting on this one- not when people are dying slowly all these years from poor mental health. Not when Kibaki’s family imagine their silence will make people accept Mwai’s murderous leadership and just move on.
Let historians write Mwai Kibaki’s true legacy using an indelible ink, swiped against the bloodstains of the victims of the 2007 post-election violence, to fully and comprehensively capture the description and impact of Emilio Stanley Mwai Kibaki’s insane tenure as third President of Kenya.
Good Riddance, Toad.
As to whether Emilio Stanley Mwai Kibaki’s soul should rest in peace, he has all the time in his grave to initiate and service that conversation with the souls of the victims of the 2007-2008 post-election violence .Who knows, perhaps, they could be seeking retribution by clobbering Mwai Kibaki sixteen feet under at this very moment. They are probably extracting a confession from him. Who knows, perhaps they have already beaten him to a pulp, having waited in vain for natural justice these fifteen long years . Can you imagine those estimated 800-1400 people killed during the two months of the chaos, each armed with crude weapons, taking turns or awaiting their turn, to clobber Emilio Mwai Kibaki in his grave? Mzee’s face has probably been smoothed to smithereens by now. Unlike when he was alive, there is no Kenya Defense Forces to protect him from the wrath of the restless souls of the victims of the 2007/2008 Kenyan post-election violence. It could probably be an eternal damnation.
All rights reserved. (C) <Sa_sha>
2.05.2022.
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